| About us | |
| Our policy statement | |
| FAQs | |
| How you can help | |
| A Broken Flute | |
| Resources | |
| Workshop | |
| Our catalog | |
| Order form | |
| Books to avoid | |
Copyright © 1990-2008 |
|
It is absolutely astonishing that anyone could, at the beginning of the 21st century, write a book that incorporates nearly every stereotype and misrepresentation about Indian peoples ever uttered. Albert Marrin has. His book contains six and a half pages of bibliography, only half a dozen titles of which are Native sources. The rest are the tried and true collection of archaeologists, anthropologists, and Indian experts. Thus, Marrin can hardly have claimed to have added anything new to the body of information already available on Plains societies in general, and Sitting Bull, Tatanka Iotanka, in particular. What he has done is create another apologia for "westward expansion" and the destruction of Native cultures and lives, as well as what was probably the richest land mass in historical times. In the winning and losing of the West, each side acted according to its own beliefs and customs. Few people deliberately set out to do wrong. By the standards of their own societies, most individuals acted decently and responsibly. In this, both Indians and whites showed their common humanity. I hope to bring home that truth by telling a uniquely American story through the life of a fascinating human being. For the first Americans, no less than the later arrivals to these shores, share a common land and a common history and, now, a common destiny. (pp. 12-13)
There was no misunderstanding. To paraphrase Red Cloud, the white man kept only one of his promises to us. He said he would take our land, and he did. At the investigation after the Sand Creek massacre, Colonel John Chivington, when asked to account for what he had done, said, "Kill "em all, large and small, nits make lice." And General Phil Sheridan publicly remarked, "The only good Indian I ever saw was dead." By using terms such as "common humanity," "common land," "common history," "common destiny," "decent and responsible" and "misunderstandings" to link together Indian peoples and whites by pretending to be objective Marrin whitewashes the genocidal assault by whites on the Indian peoples of this hemisphere. After misrepresenting Lakota spirituality and belief systems, Marrin engages in inappropriate and defamatory speculation about Sitting Bull's motivations and character:
This statement shows absolutely no understanding whatsoever of Native cosmologies, spiritual practices, or the responsibility such a leader would carry to his people, the land, and the Spirit World. For 500 years, the people in the Americas have been regarded as heathens because we did not have a "religion." Marrin takes every opportunity to dwell, in loving detail, on themes of mindless and bloody savagery. Artfully, he couches these themes in a sort of pseudo-sympathetic language: Youngsters had to overcome their natural fear of dead people. To help them, warriors paraded between the lodges with enemy heads, ears, hands, and feet skewered on sharp sticks. Sometimes they dragged dead bodies through camp by ropes tied to their feet. Parents encouraged their sons to shoot the bodies with arrows and crush their skulls with rocks... .We do not know how Slow reacted to his very first sight of a dead enemy. We do know, however, that when he was ten, warriors dared the boys to touch the bloody remains of a Crow warrior. Slow went first, winning praise as the bravest boy in camp that day. (p. 43) In actual fact, from time to time a dead enemy might be brought into camp, particularly if he had been especially brave, and the young boys might be encouraged to count coup on the warrior. (Counting coup was done with a stick, specifically designed for this purpose, called a "coup stick." Among all the Plains cultures, it was considered a far braver act to count coup upon an enemy rather than kill him.). Had Marrin not decided to emphasize (or invent) these gruesome details, that is all he would have had to say. Further, Marrin states, Plains Indians also killed, scalped, and mutilated women and children for the sake of honor. That made sense to them. Since men fought desperately to defend their families, warriors believed that killing loved ones in front of their defender showed courage. There was not, there has never been, any honor to be obtained by killing women and children. In a battle, they might die, but no warrior would deliberately claim the death of such ones and expect to be honored for it. By their early teens, boys would sneak away in groups of three or four to experience killing people for themselves. (p. 45) What?! If any kids were sneaking off, it was to go hunting, not to find someone to kill. This, by the way, was not generally looked on with approval by their elders. Sometimes teenagers would sneak off and go on a horse raid by themselves, and the results were frequently disastrous to them. Marrin's spin on Lakota life in general is always designed to portray it in the most negative way possible. Boys were destined to become providers, protectors, and warriors. Slow grew up knowing that one day he would have to kill, and go on killing until the day he died. (p. 28)
One misconception still commonly held about Native nations was that they all had one chief. In fact, there were a variety of leaders. Use the word "chief" since everybody knows that. There were war leaders, hunting leaders, and peace chiefs. People fought for various reasons. Peace was important to survival; to hunt, to make clothing, to raise children, to have ceremony, to plan for the future, all activities that were made difficult if not impossible by the invaders. Because it was an invasion, as truly as any of those that happened in the recently ended war-torn 20th century. Marrin mentions none of these. When Marrin does refer to a Native source, he deliberately distorts it. If Plains Indians hunted to live, they lived to fight. War was part of Slow's mind-set, his expectations of life, ingrained in him from infancy. The idea that people should prefer peace to war would have struck him as strange. Peace, to him, was merely a time between wars... . Success in battle was the true measure of a man's worth; courage the supreme virtue. Victory in battle brought the greatest rewards. These were not material things, but the admiration of his people. Only the successful warrior, Slow knew, could advise others, speak in tribal councils, and become a chief. No woman would marry a man who had not proven himself in battle... .
The footnote for this information cites Luther Standing Bear, from Land of the Spotted Eagle. What Standing Bear really said was this: When but a mere child, father inspired me by often saying: "Son, I never want to see you live to be an old man. Die young on the battlefield. That is the way a Lakota dies." The full intent of this advice was that I must never shirk my duty to my tribe no matter what price in sacrifice I paid... .If I failed in duty, I simply failed to meet a test of manhood, and a man living in his tribe without respect was a living nonentity. My ancestors had been brave men. There was not an enemy they feared not even did they fear death. So if I were not afraid to die I would then dare to do whatever came for me to do... .
One could almost say that this book was written with criminal intent. To cite every instance would be a review as long as the book itself. There is, however, one other issue that must be dealt with, and that is the "battle" of Wounded Knee, because it was such a watershed event for Native people; and was, for all extents and purposes, the end, the place at which, finally, we were truly conquered. Two weeks after Sitting Bull was murdered by government troops, the 7th Cavalry Custer's old command was called in. Big Foot's band was coming in. Big Foot's band of Minneconjou Ghost Dancers was coming in to surrender. The band consisted mostly of women, children and elderly men. They had been disarmed. It was about 40 degrees below zero, the people were starving, and Big Foot was dying of pneumonia. There are conflicting reports of what happened next. But when the bluecoats opened fire, some 300 women, children and elders were killed. As far as anyone has been able to determine, the bluecoats who were killed that day died from what is now called "friendly fire." From reports of the time, it is clear that Custer's men were out for revenge, and they got it. And yet Marrin has chosen to place the full blame for what he calls a battle on the victims themselves: Meanwhile, the warriors were growing restless... .A medicine man called Yellow Bird made matters worse... [H]e walked around the seated warriors, blowing on an eagle-bone whistle. Occasionally he paused, threw a handful of dust into the air, and reminded the warriors of the power of their ghost shirts.
Accounts of the massacre, both by people who survived it and those who arrived at the scene immediately afterwards, are available and totally refute Marrin's interpretation. His use of language hints at objectivity, but it doesn't change the truth of what happened. All the even-handed language in the world does not change the fact that Wounded Knee was a massacre: Whites refer to the events at Wounded Knee as a battle. Native Americans have another name: the Wounded Knee Massacre. In some sense, both are right and wrong. It was a battle because the Lakota killed and wounded one in eight white soldiers, a heavy loss even by the standards of twentieth-century warfare. Yet it was also a massacre, because the soldiers fired into a village and then into a ravine crowded with women and children... .Whether we call it a battle or a massacre,... (p. 226). There are people still alive whose grandfathers fought Custer. There are people still alive whose parents survived Wounded Knee; they are called the Wounded Knee Survivors Association and they are located on the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota. Marie Not-Help-Him was the president not very long ago; she may still be. They know what happened at Wounded Knee, because they hold the stories in their memories. As well, there is an association of descendants of Sitting Bull at Standing Rock Agency, North Dakota. There is no evidence that Marrin contacted any of these people. Nor did he use sources such as Charles Eastman's Indian Heroes and Great Chieftains or Indian Boyhood, Luther Standing Bear's My Indian Boyhood or My People the Sioux, or Zitkala-Sa's American Indian Stories. All three respected Indian authors were contemporaries of Sitting Bull's. Readers ought not to consider this a historical biography of Sitting Bull. It is not. Rather, Sitting Bull and His World tells far more about its author than it does about its subject. Sitting Bull and His World has received a number of starred reviews. It doesn't deserve any of them. It is no better than any of the yellow journalism about Native peoples that came out of the 19th and early 20th centuries. To consider this book worthy of an award is shameful. —Doris Seale (Santee/Cree) and Beverly Slapin
For additional comments about Albert Marrins Sitting Bull and His World, see the accompanying essay Turning a Battle Into a Massacre. |